Images from the article
On the Pacific Ocean some thousand miles from home,
Across the rocky mountains I had a cause to roam,
Enlisting for a soldier and leave my native land,
And with my friends and kindred I took the parting hand.
Far from my dear Mother and Sisters I am,
But by the grace of God I will see them again,
And lie in Zions city most glorious to behold,
Whose walls are made of jasper and streets of purest Gold.1
AFTER morning inspection on Sunday, May 23, 1847, Azariah
Smith, an eighteen year old Mormon soldier, mournfully wrote this poem. He had
already experienced the formative years of the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-day Saints. Smith had lived in Mormon communities in Ohio, Missouri,
Iowa, Illinois, and was seeking asylum in the western wilderness because the
people of "the united; (or divided,) States were not willing, for us to remain
in peace, continually trying their dexterity, at mobbing; and trying to destroy
the Saints from the face of the earth."2 Despite his past, Azariah Smith
completed, on July 16, 1847, a year of service in the United States Army. During
the previous year—a momentous one for both the nation and the LDS Church—he had
enlisted near Council Bluffs, crossed the Santa Fe Trail to the New Mexican
capital, built a usable wagon road from Santa Fe to San Diego, and garrisoned
the Southern Military District of California for six months. After this grueling year in
military service, Smith was anxious to return to his family, friends, and
church. On the other hand, his captain, Jesse D. Hunter, insisted that young
Azariah re-enlist for another year. Azariah Smith refused. Of the 314 soldiers
in the Mormon Battalion, however, eighty-one re-enlisted for an additional tour
of duty. These men were the Mormon Volunteers. Their recruitment and service
form a notable portion of history during the pivotal months when, following the
Mexican and American War, California became part of the United States.3
While Azariah Smith and most of the soldiers anxiously counted the days until
discharge, a few officers resolved to remain in government service. Captain
Jefferson Hunt, ranking Mormon officer, personally aspired to form and command a
second Mormon Battalion. In a letter to Captain Henry S. Turner, General Stephen
W. Kearny's aide-de-camp, Hunt explained, "it is our intention to settle in the
vicinity of the Bay of San Francisco," and requested, "that we might have the
privilege of being continued in the service of the United States." In addition,
Hunt offered to ride to Council Bluffs, the Mormon gathering place along the
Missouri River, in order to enlist Latter-day Saints who possessed the skills
desired by the federal government. Captain Hunt apparently believed the Mormons
would eventually settle near the Bay of San Francisco, and assumed the church
could use the money acquired by their continued army service.4 Speaking
for General Kearny, Turner replied that the government would
permit the men to remain in service, but refused to sanction Hunt's proposed
junket to Council Bluffs.5
The soldiers, on the other hand, held contrary ideas. On
April 7 an anonymous man initiated a petition requesting an early discharge
because the war in California appeared over. Although approximately two-thirds
of the privates endorsed the plea, most Latter-day Saint officers seemed "quite
rathy & threatened punishment for those who signed."6 Calling the men "damned fools" the officers quickly discarded the petition.7
While the Mormon factions deliberated, the government became
increasingly dependent upon their manpower. By the end of April, 1847, General
Kearny commanded a total of 1,059 troops in California, but could not depend
upon any of them remaining in service after their terms expired.8 The General
was eager to depart for Washington, D.C., but in order to defend California
adequately needed to leave more troops. During the first week of May, the
soldiers learned that General Kearny, accompanied by Colonel Phillip St. George
Cooke, John C. Fremont, and a detail of twelve Mormon soldiers, would soon leave
California for the nation's capital. Colonel J.D. Stevenson of the New York
Volunteers replaced Colonel Cooke as commander of the Mormon Battalion and
Southern Military District.9 Obliged to keep sufficient troop strength in
California, the government proposed granting the Mormon Battalion an immediate
discharge provided that the men re-enlist as prestigious Dragoons in the regular
army.10 Few men gave the proposal a second thought; most spent their spare time
buying pack animals and preparing for the journey to join their brethren in the
Salt Lake Valley.11
Pressured in opposite directions by the regular army officers
and Mormon soldiers, the Battalion's officers, previously selected by Brigham
Young, found it difficult to act. They understood re-enlistment could prove
advantageous, but needed support from the church authorities to recruit the rank
and file soldiers. In this context, on May 14, Jefferson Hunt wrote to Brigham
Young, President of the Mormon Church, for instructions.12 The Captain noted
that the Saints had earned a commendable reputation in California, and that
General Kearny anxiously wanted them to re-enlist. He added that the men opposed
re-enlistment and increasingly resented Hunt's overbearing leadership. Hoping
for Brigham Young's support, the perplexed Captain explained: "I have. . .done
the best I knew and used every endeavor to console the men and make the burdens
laid on them by officers of the regular army as light as I could, but every good
intention was construed into evil, of all characters I was the most vile."
Despite the internal discord, the officers, impressed with the superb
agricultural prospects of the Los Angeles Basin, suggested that the Mormon
Church could purchase a valley sufficiently large to accommodate 50,000
families. Uncertain of the proper course of action, Hunt concluded, "We are in
perfect suspense here. In two months we look for a discharge and know not whither to
steer our course."13
After General Kearny left California, Richard B. Mason, the
new military governor, continued to solicit Mormon soldiers. Mason promised the
rank of Lieutenant-Colonel to Captain Hunt if he could re-enlist the entire
battalion.14 The governor also ordered Colonel Stevenson to encourage recruits.
Not only did Mason want the men to defend California, but he also needed their
labor to complete a fort at Los Angeles. Knowing that military construction work
was universally abhorred, Mason tactfully warned Stevenson to "say nothing of
working on the fort until after they were mustered into service."15 Neither Hunt
nor Stevenson appeared optimistic. While Hunt promised to use his declining
influence to enlist men, he also requested that the government provide
sufficient cartridges to insure their safety while traveling home. Stevenson
personally thought an eighteen cent daily allowance might induce a few men to
re-enlist, but was enough of a pragmatist to appeal officially for replacements
from the East.16
While the army's needs were left unfilled, many LDS soldiers
openly defied their own Mormon officers. Several factors accounted for the
revolt. First, a strong undercurrent of resentment against the United States
government existed among most Mormons at this time. Why aid a government that
had permitted them to be driven from their homes in Illinois?17 Second, they
accused the Mormon officers of being unduly harsh toward their brethren. Rather
than act like "fathers" to the soldiers, at times they seemed to be like
Gentile-or non-Mormon-persecutors. Third, most of the married men wanted to
return to their families in the East. Finally, the military leadership was
overwhelmed by several men with less military rank but higher ecclesiastical
authority. Quite a few of the men agreed to follow Andrew Lytle and James Pace
after the discharge because they were "the only two who have at all times had
respect unto the Priesthood of the Son of God, and acted as Fathers to the
brethren who were placed under them for 12 months."18 Ruling through these
officers, Levi Hancock and David Pettigrew, the ranking church authorities,
actually assumed leadership over most of the men.19 As a result Jefferson Hunt
lost control over a badly disunited group of Mormon soldiers.
While the revolt brewed, Colonel J.D. Stevenson departed Los
Angeles for San Diego to raise volunteers among the men in Company B stationed
at that port. Entering San Diego on June 22, he delivered a flattering speech
which, according to Robert Bliss:
Gave us the praise of being the best company in the Southern
Division of California; the most intelligent & correct Soldiers Said we were
universally esteemed & respected by the inhabitants & in Short we had done more
for California than any other people & gave us an invitation to list again for
6 months.20
Stevenson even consented to Captain Jesse D. Hunter's request to pay
the re-enlisted men while they returned to San Francisco, Bear
River, or wherever the Mormons eventually decided to settle permanently.21 While
the campaign aroused great excitement in San Diego, it only netted about twenty
volunteers. A majority insisted upon waiting for counsel from their Priesthood
leaders, Levi Hancock and David Pettigrew. Captain Hunter and a couple of Mormon
officers agreed to accompany Stevenson on his return to Los Angeles for the
final drive to drum up volunteers.22
At 8:30 a.m. on June 29, the four companies of Mormon
Battalion soldiers in Los Angeles assembled to hear Colonel Stevenson's call for
reenlistment. He explained, quite frankly, that it was necessary to keep a
sufficient number of United States soldiers in California until others could be
transported from the East. If the entire Battalion re-enlisted for a year he
promised that the men could elect their own Lieutenant Colonel and offered to
discharge them five months early with a full year's pay which would enable them
to return home in time to plant crops. He even offered to send a detachment of
Mormon troops to meet Brigham Young and direct the LDS Church to any settlement
located in California. So eager for recruits were the regular military officials
that Stevenson asked the single men to re-enlist even if the married ones
preferred to return to their families.23
After a short break, Captain Hunt reassembled the soldiers on
a barren hill outside camp to listen to the LDS officers' pitch. Captain Jesse
D. Hunter, who acted as a semi-official recruiting officer, told
the men it was their duty to re-enlist. Captain Hunt pointed out that if the
entire command re-enlisted a Latter-day Saint would be the third highest
military commander in California. Reminding them of the past exodus from
Missouri and Illinois, he suggested this could be helpful should they fall into
conflict with other residents. Lieutenant Cyrus L. Canfield perceptively noted
that the men would have to spend all their earnings for an outfit home, whereas,
if they re-enlisted they could return at government expense. Finally,
Lieutenant George P. Dykes cited the fable of a good cow, who, after giving a
pail of milk, kicked the pail over thereby losing its commendable reputation. He
urged the Mormons not to fall into the same predicament by refusing to aid the
United States during its time of need. After this exhortation by the military
officers, the men were again dismissed.24
When they re-assembled in a large open tent at noon, Captain
Hunt addressed the men a second time and spoke of a previous council the
officers held with the Church's presiding Twelve Apostles in Council Bluffs. He
capped his arguments by implying that Brigham Young would counsel the men to
re-enlist. In democratic fashion all individuals were granted the right to air
their views. After a brief silence, Sergeant William Hyde rose to express his
opposition to re-enlistment;
. . . it grieved me to see some of our officers seeking after
power and filthy lucre at the bitter expense of their brethren.... But not, for
us to enter service for another year for the purpose of gratifying the selfish
feelings of any man or set of men, was entirely repugnant to my feelings. We had
already served our enemies one year and offered our lives as a sacrifice to save
the people of God, according to the council which we had received from those
that had a right to council, and we had faithfully fulfilled the requirement....
I remarked that from the best information which we could gain, the government,
in whose service we had been was satisfied, and every feeling of my heart said
that all heaven was satisfied, and as for me, let others do as they may, God
being my helper, I shall return to my family and to headquarters. I was followed
by Father Pettigrew and Brother Daniel Tyler and others, and in their remarks
the Spirit of God was manifest, and the eyes of those that wished to see were
open, and their situations plainly manifest, and the musical instruments of
those that were in favor of reenlisting, were entirely unstrung.25
The rebellion against regular and Mormon military authorities
had triumphed. The meeting dispersed with only fifteen or sixteen volunteers
obtained from the Mormon companies stationed at Los Angeles.
With the ordeal over, Captain Hunt could only rationalize his
lack of influence with the brethren. The men anxiously sought news from their
families and direction from church authorities before they would reenlist. Hunt
continued to believe that a few companies might be secured if Brigham Young
encouraged that course before their official discharge.26 Colonel Stevenson,
seeing his power base disintegrate, was quite pessimistic in his report to
Governor Mason. Once the Mormon Battalion disbanded, he would have only 211 men
from the 1st Dragoons and New York Volunteers to guard California's Southern
Military District. After deducting those who were cooks, police, sick, prisoners, and on detached service,
southern California would be defended by a total of 114 effective men. The
situation was critical.27
On July 16, the day after Company B rejoined the entire
command at Los Angeles, the Mormon Battalion was mustered out of service. At
3:00 p.m. Lieutenant Andrew Jackson Smith, an officer of the 1st Dragoons,
discharged the soldiers. Beginning with Company A, each of the five companies
lined up in alphabetical order. Lieutenant Smith walked back and forth between
the rows to inspect the troops. When completed, he uttered in a rather low
voice, "You are Discharged." Of the unpretentious ceremony Azariah Smith
observed, "none of the men regretted the Lieutenant's brevity; in fact, it
rather pleased them."28
Not only did the discharging ceremony represent a break with
the United States Army, it also foreshadowed the complete disintegration of the
Mormon officers' influence. Still the military officers believed they had a
special charge from Brigham Young to conduct the men to the Church
headquarters. Although they planned the return trek, "the soldiers seemed to
disregard them & chose to take the course of Br Levi (Hancock) & Father Petagrew
(Pettigrew) which was different from the officers."29 In the end only forty or
fifty men followed Captain Hunt's leadership to the Great Basin. The obligation
to defend California and the instructions of military officials selected by
Brigham Young proved less influential than the priesthood authority within the church.
Colonel Stevenson remained in the unenviable position of
having to defend southern California without the Mormon Battalion. For
obedience, work, and trust the finest potential recruits remained the Mormons.
In order to meet Governor Mason's manpower needs, Stevenson:
. . most respectfully recommended that the Mormon volunteers
should be accepted if they offer their services for since they have been under
my Command I have found both officers and men prompt in their obedience to all
orders and in every sense of the word faithful to the trust and confidence
reposed in them. As Citizens their deportment has been unexceptionable, and as a
body of men, they have more valuable and a less number of useless or worthless
men among them than I have ever known among the same number of persons
associated together either for Civil or Military purposes.30
Despite his exceedingly laudatory praise of the Latter-day
Saint soldiers, Stevenson feared that the Mormons hoped to control, or at least
dominate, the political and military life of Califonria. In a letter revealing
his concern to Governor Mason, Stevenson related some of the current ideas that
the Mormon leaders had been freely expressing:
Both before and since they were mustered out of the service,
I have conversed with Capt. Hunt and some other leaders, and am satisfied they
desire to get the military control of the country, and that from time, to time,
they will supply from 100 to 1000 men for the service, until their whole
community shall have had some experience as soldiers, and become furnished with
arms, which by the time a civil government shall be organized, will give them
control as well of the Ballot Box by their numerical strength, as physically,
being a corps of many hundred soldiers, well armed and equipped for service in
the field. They look forward to the disbanding of my Regiment of Volunteers at
the close of the war, as an event that will throw the Military defence and
control of this country entirely in their hands, this I know to be their
calculation, for Hunt, and his officers have so expressed themselves to me; this
may acocunt for the opposition a re-enlistment of the entire Battalion has met
with from some of their society leaders; as I am well assured they regard an
order or instruction from them as paramount to any other power for at all time I
have been told, that if a messenger should arrive with but five lines from one
of their chief leaders now on the road to this country, all would have
re-entered, and all the officers here confident that Hunt can raise a Battalion
if you require it.31
As a Gentile who apparently held few prejudices against the
Saints, Stevenson also made some very perceptive comments about their religion.
He found them to be dedicated followers of a strange type of authoritarianism and explained:
My intercourse with the Mormons has satisfied me that the
great mass of them are a simple minded, ignorant people, entirely under the
control of their leaders, and that in every community or association, there is
some one man who is the controlling spirit, and that all are under the direction
and control of some one Master Spirit. In the Battalion were two men (Levi
Hancock and "Father" Pettigrew), one of which was a private soldier—who was the
chief men, and but for them, at least, three companies would have re-entered,
but they opposed, and not a man would enter and I do not believe we should have
succeeded in getting one company, if they had not given it their countenance or
at least made no formal objection.32
While Stevenson analyzed his position at Los Angeles, eighty-one of
the 314 men discharged from the Mormon Battalion re-enlisted to
form a new company named the Mormon Volunteers. This unexpected re-enlistment of
these Latter-day Saints pleased the American military authorities in Los
Angeles. "Until the day after they were mustered out of the service, there was
not the slightest disposition evinced to re-enter," wrote Colonel Stevenson,
"but on the 17th in the Afternoon, Capt. Davis and Lieut. Canfield commenced
enrolling and on the 20th all were enrolled,.... "33 Despite their strong desire
to gather with other Mormons at Salt Lake, it became obvious that altogether
too many ex-soldiers lacked the financial resources necessary to purchase
adequate outfits. Why squander one's savings to reach church headquarters at
Salt Lake if a chance existed that Brigham Young might lead the main body of
Mormons to California? One recruit, Henry C. Boyle, explained his quandary:
... I did not like to re-enlist, but as I had no relatives in
the Church to return to, I desired to remain in California til the Church became
located, for it is impossible for us to leave here with provisions to last us
any considerable length of time. And if I stay here or any number of us, it is
better for us to remain together, than to scatter all over creation.34
Before they re-enlisted, however, Colonel Stevenson had to
grant several extra privileges demanded by the Mormon Volunteers: (A) Since many
men desired to plant crops at Salt Lake next summer, the government agreed to
discharge them on March 1, 1848 rather than waiting until a full year's
enrollment ended on July 20th. (B) The company would be kept intact in order to
garrison the port of San Diego. (C) The government agreed to furnish pay and
rations for the soldiers' return trek to Church headquarters. (D) Should it be
raised, the Mormon Volunteers would be permitted to join a second Mormon
Battalion. (E) The Mormon Volunteers were granted all privileges accorded other
volunteers. These agreements restated the rank and file uncertainty regarding
Brigham Young's ultimate destination and the possibility of recruiting another
battalion of Mormon troops. Stevenson's acceptance marked not only his desperate
need for loyal troops, but that it was also cheaper to muster the Mormons under
these terms than to bring other troops to San Diego from the East coast. The
Latter-day Saint Volunteers also requested a new supply of government arms, but
Stevenson balked and insisted that the men use the guns previously issued while
they were members of the Mormon Battalion. The colonel feared the men would
forward their government arms to Brigham Young in order to arm the Salt Lake
Mormons at government expense.35
Of those enlisted, Lieutenant Ruel Barrus and twenty-seven
men were assigned to San Luis Rey. Reaching their quarters on August 13, they
found everything peaceful.36 Apparently to break the tranquil bliss, the men
spent quite a bit of time hunting, for when Barrus requested additional
cartridges from his commander, Captain Davis told him to restrict use of the
ammunition to military purposes.37 The tour of duty passed without a major
crisis and San Luis Rey remained peaceful until Barrus moved his
command to San Diego during mid-February, 1848.38
Jesse D. Hunter became Governor Mason's Indian Agent for the
Southern Military District with headquarters at San Luis Rey. In this calling,
Hunter joined two outstanding Californians who had been appointed Indian Agents
by General Kearny: John A. Sutter for the Central Valley and Mariano G. Vallejo
for the Sonoma District.39 The Indians at San Luis Rey requested an American
Indian Agent to protect them from their sworn enemies, the Spanish Californians.
Since the former captain decided to remain in California after the Mormon
Battalion's discharge, Colonel Stevenson recommended the well-known soldier
because he was "universally esteemed by all" living near San Diego.40 Hunter's
orders required him to secure a correct inventory of farms, horses, cattle, and
property belonging to the mission and to guard it from damage or destruction. He
was also admonished to encourage the local Indians to return to San Luis where
he could protect them from quarreling with other local residents.41 Although the
mission had been previously abandoned, Hunter was directed to provide rooms and
sustenance from the mission farms to any Catholic padres desirous of returning.42
Lieutenant Robert Clift became San Diego's Justice of the
Peace from June, 1847 until March, 1848. Meanwhile, he also served as the Acting
Assistant Quartermaster and Commissary Officer with orders to accumulate a full
six months' supply of rations.43 Since his requisitions were never filled
completely, stock-piling of rations remained Clift's most persistent problem.
Although the San Diego garrison nearly ran out of provisions during October,
Clift managed the difficult situation well and generally supplied full rations
to the men.44 Colonel Stevenson thought highly of Robert Clift, calling him the
most competent Latter-day Saint officer in the Mormon Volunteers.45
Commanded by Captain Daniel Davis, "a most excellent and
worthy man," the Mormon Volunteers were generally respected and appreciated by
most of San Diego's residents.46 One of Captain Davis' first responsibilities
was to house his men. Unfortunately the leaky pueblo barracks required
remodeling. He therefore secured Colonel Stevenson's authorization to utilize
some tile and a table from the outer dilapidated buildings at the San Diego
Mission to furnish their quarters.47 The renovation caused the first mild
controversy since Father Vicente P. Oliva, rector at San Juan Capistrano,
claimed title to the San Diego Mission. He complained to Colonel Stevenson that
Davis' men removed the San Diego Mission roof and that they were "also removing
his table, benches, etc. leaving him entirely destitute of a comfortable
home."48 The problem was resolved when Captain Davis explained that most of the
property had been pilfered before the Mormon Battalion arrived in January, 1847,
and his soldiers were attempting to perserve the remaining property.49
Another incident erupted over the death of Mr. Charles Soin.
This New Yorker ostensibly had been carrying a large amount of cash while
waiting in San Diego for a ship destined to the Hawaiian Islands. On August 11,
Soin mysteriously disappeared from his boarding house. Later his mutilated body
was discovered, and Captain Davis offered a reward for the killer. Alcalde
Robert Clift jailed Richard Freeman, a black attendant at the boarding house,
on suspicion of murder. Initially no one testified against Freeman and he was
released, but when his wife threatened to implicate him in the crime, he was
again jailed and forced to work around the garrison. His wife's testimony,
however, proved insufficient for conviction so Freeman secured his release by
the end of October.50
Other than the Oliva and Soin incidents, there were no
serious problems between the Mormon Volunteers and residents of San Diego. With
minimum garrison duty required, the men spent much free time making bricks and
repairing the seaport. "I have also during the winter been engaged in white
washing." wrote Henry Boyle, "I have white washed nearly all the town."51
Although none of the Volunteers were killed in action,
Sergeant Lafayette Frost and Private Neal Donald died of natural causes and were
buried onehalf mile southeast of the old pueblo. Fortunately Dr. Alfredo
Anseline, a competent and respected physician, tended everyday ailments.52
Archibald Waddell, Dr. Anseline's hospital steward and member
of the New York Volunteers, initiated one of San Diego's first drug problems
under United States occupation. He had been stealing government medicines and
selling them to the soldiers. After a careful search of Waddell's personal
property, Davis found a government medicine box and a note of obligation for
drugs frorn one of the Mormon soldiers. Charged with embezzling government
property, Waddell confessed on October 6 and was sent to Los Angeles for a court martial.53
The most serious and persistent difficulty encountered by the
Mormon Volunteers was comprised of recurring threats of insurrection and
counterrevolutionary activity led by the former Mexican leaders. The most
severe report began September 13, 1847, when an Indian informed Captain Davis
that a large body of Mexican soldiers under Generals Jose Castro, Pio Pico, and
Jose Flores had marched northward from Sonora and were crossing the Colorado
River on their way to re-capture California. Although such reports often came
from suspicious sources, Davis sent scouts to the Colorado River to ascertain
the truth. Just in case the invasion rumor proved true, Davis also prepared his
command for action. Since he possessed artillery but no ammunition, he
requested Colonel Stevenson to send powder, ball, and two extra cannon.54
Turning to his detachment at San Luis Rey, he warned Lieutenant Barrus to be on
guard and asked Jesse D. Hunter to send some trustworthy scouts to Warner's
ranch as a precautionary measure.55 Hunter, who personally discounted the rumor,
replied "if it is the case, we will try and give them the best fight
we can."56 Intensifying the rumor, Barrus
learned that the reported Mexican army consisted of 3000
well-armed troops who boisterously proclaimed death to all Americans and Indians
who favored the United States.57 As news of the supposed invasion spread wildly
through San Diego, Davis described the situation:
The inhabitants here appear much alarmed, and express their
fears, that should the reports prove true, you may order us from San Diego, and
thus leave them unprotected. I have invariably told them not to fear, that we
were amply able with what force we have to defend San Diego from any attack that
may he made upon us.58
After several weeks of tension and preparation passed, the
presumed Mexican invasion proved to be a hoax, but the Mormon Volunteers had
demonstrated a willingness to fight for the United States. Of the situation
Captain Davis concluded, "I am inclined to think it is nothing more than
Families moving from Sonora, into the Territory, hoping to find here the
protection, denied to them at home."59
Although the invasion rumor proved false, Captain Davis dared
not relax his vigilance. He insisted that the Mormon Volunteers remain well
supplied with ammunition. Unfortunately the Volunteers' arms were flint-lock
muskets, while the ammunition sent by Colonel Stevenson was primed with
percussion caps. Since suitable ammunition could not be procured, they received
loose powder and simply had to refill their old cartridges.60
Despite the continued threats of insurrection or invasion of
the Southern Military District, Colonel Stevenson found little hard evidence to
justify the worries. He seemed to observe the situation clearly when he wrote
that an insurrection would "be more for the purpose of robbing the merchants
than the hope of driving us out of the district."61 Despite Stevenson's
confidence, reports continued to reach Monterey that the citizens in San Diego
were in arms against the United States soldiers. Should it be necessary to keep
the public peace, William T. Sherman granted Captain Davis full authority:
. . . to arrest any person and upon reasonable grounds
of suspicion, that if they are engaged in exciting discontent toward our
Government, and if any such there be, you should not wait for overt acts
on their part, but should arrest and imprison them and if necessary send them
here to Monterey by sea.62
While Captain Davis thanked Sherman for the power, he
reported that no particular individual had arisen to promote or excite the
spirit of rebellion.63 Despite the natural hesitancy for the San Diegans to
accept American rule, the Mormon Volunteers did an admirable job of thwarting
all counter-revolutionary movements by their responsible behavior.
While the Mormon Volunteers established a constructive
rapport with the residents of San Diego, their term of enlistment rapidly
approached its end. Although the government's pledge to discharge the Mormon
Volunteers in March, 1848 would be honored, Governor R.B. Mason
related that a recent law granted soldiers who remained in
the army one full year a bonus of either bounty land totaling 160 acres or
treasury script worth $100. This meant the Mormon Volunteers would not receive
the bonus if they requested to be discharged prior to serving twelve months.64
Despite the bonus offer the men unanimously decided to retain their March
discharge in order to proceed to the Salt Lake Valley as previously planned.65
The government bonus, however raised a new issue. How would
the men who had served in the Mormon Battalion for a full year receive their
bounty? At the time of discharge the bonus law was unknown in California and
the men had been told official certificates of service were not required. Since
most of the men in the Mormon Battalion left California immediately after their
discharge on July 16, 1847, Captain Davis asked Captain A.J. Smith,
the mustering-out officer, how they could acquire the
necessary evidence to benefit from the law. Colonel Stevenson personally
promised to take every proper step to guarantee the men their benefits.66
Although the Mormon Volunteers relinquished the government
bonus, they joyously welcomed Elijah K. Fuller, Orrin Porter Rockwell, and
Jefferson Hunt, who brought an "Epistle" from the Church Presidency. Brother
Lathrop delivered the "Epistle" in which the Church Presidency counseled the men
not to re-enlist but to proceed promptly to Salt Lake. It stated "... our
location (the Salt Lake Valley) has been pointed out to us by the Spirit of the
Lord, through His servants the Twelve, & is truly delightful & desirable for
beauty, for richness of soil, mildness of climate & above all for rest & peace
unto us." The Church Presidency encouraged the men to concentrate all their
means, knowledge, and efforts to purchase and bring to Salt Lake all the cows,
seed, fruit, mules, and other animals
possible.67 In this manner the bounteous environs of San Diego helped to
provision the Mormons in Utah.
With Orrin Porter Rockwell to guide them, the soldiers
decided to take the southern route via Cajon Pass to Salt Lake. Because of this
decision Captain Davis requested that the men be mustered out of service in Los
Angeles.68 This request surprised Colonel Stevenson, who insisted that the men
be mustered out of service in San Diego. He also warned that the official
discharge date might be late. Discharge orders had to be issued directly by
Governor Mason, but Colonel Stevenson personally withheld the troop discharge
request in the hope that Porter Rockwell and company might persuade the Mormon
Volunteers to remain in service the full twelve months. Finally realizing the
adamancy in their final decision for early dismissal, Stevenson immediately took
steps to discharge the men on March l0th, the target date. Unfortunately,
replacement had to be sent from Monterey, and the official paymaster was
presently at Mazatlan, Mexico.69
Only about half of the seventy-nine remaining Volunteers
heeded the church leaders' "Epistle." Jesse D. Hunter replied that the
government remained very anxious to raise a second Mormon Battalion for the
war's duration. Despite the optimistic perception of Salt Lake's climate, he
thought California would be a perfect home for the Saints and explained, "There
is not a man, woman, or child, but would rejoice at the very idea of our
settling in this country." Should the main body of Saints remain in the Salt
Lake Valley, Hunter suggested a Pacific coast settlement where Mormons would
have a port for trade. While the church leaders deliberated, Jesse D. Hunter
decided to remain at San Luis Rey, in faith.70 If the Mormons would not enlist
in sufficient numbers to form a segregated company, Colonal Stevenson encouraged
individuals to join. The policy would serve the government in two ways: (A)
excellent soldiers would be recruited, and (B) Mormon loyalty to the federal
government would be encouraged. Stevenson believed:
These people are destined for some time to come to be the
chief reliance of our Government for defence against foreign invasion, and
domestic insurrection in this Territory, for at any time their whole male
population capable of bearing arms could at a short notice be brought into
service and their very fanaticism closely organized as they are making them
obedient and devoted Soldiers, and I would therefore respectfully suggest their
employment by the Government on every proper occasion where it can be done
consistent with the public interest.71
As a final encouragement, Colonel Stevenson wrote to Brigham
Young on February 8, 1848, expressing a need for soldiers in California,
praising the Mormon troops, and requesting a re-enlistment for the duration of
the war with Mexico. Stevenson assumed the Mormons desired to settle in
California and believed that the Saints needed to mingle with the Californians
to overcome the prejudice against them:
. . . much of the prejudice and persecution to which you have
been subjected has arisen from the ignorance of the people among who you resided
and of the general character of your people; and permit me to say that I
believe such prejudice will ever exist in any community against a people who
shut themselves out from any association with the world in which they live ... I
am assured from the best authority that there was universal feeling of
indignation among the people of the Country, native as well as foreigners
against the U.S. for receiving your people in the service and for a long lime
after I assumed the command of this District in May last this same prejudice
existed so strongly that the inhabitants of this town absolutely shunned your
people when they met them in the streets and this prejudice as well among the
intelligent and respectable as the ignorant and vulgar. . . .subsequent
observations enabled me at all times to combat the prejudice of those with whom
it was my daily custom to mingle and who subsequently by cultivating a more
general acquaintance with the officers and soldiers of the Battalion stationed
here soon became satisfied that their prejudices were wrong and
had been excited without justifiable cause and at the time the Battalion was disbanded
there was a general feeling of regret in this town. . . .I therefore ask you if
it is not a matter of the utmost importance to the future peace and happiness
of your community that this feeling of respect and regard for them acquired by
their own correct deportment while mingling with the people of this new country
among whom they and their progeny for generations must reside, should be
continued and I would further ask if any more effectual means can be used to
preserve and perpetuate it than by acting as their guardians and protectors as
well against Indian depredations as domestic insurrections and perhaps at no
distant day against the attacks of a foreign foe under the Banner of our common country.72
California possessed advantages for the Mormon settlement
with fertile soil, accessible water, and a sea coast to take their surplus to
the nations of the world. Brigham Young, however, had decided to keep his Saints
isolated and gathered in the mountain fastness of the Salt Lake Valley and no
colonel or governor of the United States could change his mind. Decades would be
required to "Americanize" the Mormons.73 The question soon became moot, however,
for on September 17, 1847, Santa Anna surrendered at Mexico City and the Treaty
of Guadalupe Hidalgo which ended the war between the United States and Mexico
was signed on February 2, 1848, unbeknown to the military officials in California.
The Saints in the Mormon Volunteers were discharged on March
14, 1848 and received their pay the following day. They left San Diego on March
21 and travelled to Williams' Ranch where they worked until starting their
journey to Salt Lake. Under the guidance of Porter Rockwell, thirty-five of the
original eighty-one Saints of the Mormon Volunteers left Williams' Ranch on
April 12 with one wagon and 135 horses and mules. After a long, arduous journey
they arrived in the Salt Lake Valley on June 5, 1848, having brought the first
wagon that ever passed over the southern route linking Los Angeles via the Cajon
Pass to Salt Lake City.74
The Mormon Volunteers played a unique role in the history of
the American Southwest. The United States government needed the presence of
troops to occupy California until a peace treaty with Mexico could be negotiated
and courted the Mormon Battalion with unprecedented concessions. Meanwhile the
faithful Mormons not only rejected the government's request but also rebelled
against their own officers previously selected by Brigham
Young. Ecclesiastical authority within the battalion
triumphed over military duty. After all seemed lost to the federal officers,
eighty-one men unexpectedly re-enlisted as the Mormon Volunteers. Their history
depicts a willingness to defend California and a relatively peaceful transition
to American rule. California offered a cosmopolitan, worldly, life style for the
men, but Brigham Young chose to isolate his people and create a unique culture
in the Great Basin. Given this choice less than half chose to return immediately
to Church authority. Whether their descendants became Californians or Utahans
all can take pride in the accomplishments of the Mormon Volunteers.
NOTES
1. Azariah Smith, Journal (Typescript: Utah State
Historical Society, Salt Lake City, Utah, May 23, 1847.
2. Ibid,. 1.
3. John F. Vurtinus. "A Ram in the Thicket: The Mormon
Battalion in the Mexican War," Unpublished Dissertation, Brigham Young University, 1975.
4. Captain Jefferson Hunt to Captain H.S. Turner, San Luis
Rey, March 17, 1847 (RG 94, Mormon Battalion Papers & Muster Rolls filed with
muster rolls Iowa [Civil War]; National Archives, Washington D.C.). Hereafter cited NA.
5. Henry S. Turner to Jefferson Hunt, Monterey, March 27, 1847
(RG 98, 10 Military Department Letters Sent: NA).
6. James Pace, Autobiography and Diary of James Pace
1811-1888 (Typescript: Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah), April 7, 1847. Hereafter cited BYU.
7. Nathaniel V. Jones, Nathaniel V. Jones Journal
(Typescript: Historical Department, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah), April 6-7, 1847. Hereafter cited as LDS Church Archives.
8. General Stephen W. Kearny to William R. March, Monterey,
April 28, 1847 (10 Military Department Letters: NA). Kearny's forces consisted
of 1 Company 1st Dragoons, 88; 1 Company 3rd Artillery, 107; 10 Companies New
York Volunteers, 550; 5 Companies Mormon Battalion, 314.
9. Journal History (Typescript: LDS Church Archives,
Microfilm copy available at BYU), May 5, 1847.
10. Frank A. Golder, Thomas A. Bailey, and J. Lyman Smith,
eds., The March of the Mormon Battalion from Council Bluffs to California
Taken from the Journal of Henry Standage (New York: the Century Co.,
1928), 221. Hereafter cited as Golder, ed., Journal of Henry Standage.
11. Levi Hancock, Levi Hancock Journal, 1847-48 (MSS: LDS Church Archives), July 18, 1847.
12. Jefferson Hunt, Philemon C. Merrill, D.C. Davis,
Lorenzo Clark to President Brigham Young, Los Angeles, May 14, 1847quoted in
Kate B. Carter, Our Pioneer Heritage (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1968), 11: 355-57
13. Ibid.
14. R.B. Mason to Jefferson Hunt, Monterey, June 5, 1847 (10 Military Department Letters: NA).
15. R.B. Mason to J.D. Stevenson, Monterey, June 5, 1847 (10 Military Department Letters: NA).
16. Jefferson Hunt to R.B. Mason, Los Angeles, June 16,
1847 (Mormon Battalion papers: NA); J.D. Stevenson to R.B. Mason, Los Angeles,
June 16, 1847 (Mormon Battalion Papers: NA).
17. Yurtinus, "Ram in the Thicket," 36-41.
18. Golder, ed., Journal of Henry Standage, 229-30.
19. Eugene E. Campbell, "Authority Conflicts in the Mormon
Battalion," Brigham Young University Studies, 4 (Winter 1968), 127-42.
20. Robert S. Bliss, "The Journal of Robert S. Bliss, with
the Mormon Battalion," Utah Historical Quarterly, 4 (July and October,
1931), 96. See also William Hyde, Private Journal of William Hyde (Typescript: BYU), June 22, 1847.
21. Samuel Hollister Rogers, Diary, reminiscences and
recorded letters, June 7, 1841-Feb. 28, 1886, 2 Vols. (Typescript: BYU), June
23, 1847. It appears that Stevenson was thinking of Bear River, California
while the Saints thought of the Bear River which drains into the Great Salt Lake.
22. Rogers, Diary, June 24, 1847; Bliss, "Journal of Robert
Bliss," 96; Henry W. Bigler, Diary of Henry W. Bigler (Typescript: BYU), June
23, 1847; Thomas Dunn, Private Journal of Thomas Dunn, Corporal of the Mormon
Battalion, Co. B, mustered by Col. Allen and commanded by Col. Hunter
(Typescipt: USHS), June 22, 1847; Pace, Diary, June 28, 1847.
23. Golder, ed., Journal of Henry Standage, 230.
24. Ibid., 230-33.
25. Hyde, Journal, June 29, 1847.
26. Jefferson Hunt, J.D. Hunter, Daniel C. Davis, George
Rosecrans, and George P. Dykes to J.D. Stephenson [sic], Los Angeles, June 29,
1847 (Mormon Battalion Papers: NA).
27. J.D. Stevenson to R.B. Mason, Los Angeles, June 29, 1847 (Mormon Battalion Papers: NA).
28. Journal History, July 16, 1847.
29. Pace, Diary, June 30, 1847.
30. J.D. Stevenson to R.B. Mason, Los Angeles, July 21,
1847 (10 Military Department Letters: NA).
31. J.D. Stevenson to R.B. Mason, Los Angeles, July 23,
1847 (10 Military Department Letters: NA).
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
34. Henry Green Boyle, Diary of Henry G. Boyle (Typescript: BYU), July 20, 1847.
35. J.D. Stevenson to R.S. Mason, Los Angeles, July 27, 1847 (10 Military Department Letters: NA).
36. J.D. Stevenson to D.C. Davis, Santa Barbara, August 4,
1847 (Mormon Battalion Official Documents: LDS Church Archives). Hereafter
cited as Official Documents.
37. D.C. Davis to Ruel Barrus, San Diego, September 10,
1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
38. Ruel Barrus to D.C. Davis, San Luis Rey, February 16,
1848 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
39. Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of California Vol.
5 of The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft (San Francisco: The History
Company Publishers, 1886), 568.
40. J.D. Stevenson to R.B. Mason, Los Angeles, July 12,
1847 (10 Military Department Letters; NA).
41. W.T. Sherman to J.D. Hunter, Santa Barbara, August 1,
1847 (10 Military Department Letters: NA).
42. R.B. Mason to J.D. Hunter, Santa Barbara, August 5,
1847 (10 Military Department Letters: NA).
43. Richard F. Pourade, The Silver Dons Vol. 3 of
The History of San Diego (San Diego: Union-Tribune Publishing Company,
1963), 132, 286; J.D. Stevenson to R.B. Mason, Los Angeles, July 27, 1847 (10
Military Department Letters; NA); J.D. Stevenson to D.C. Davis, Los Angeles,
September 17, 1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
44. D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego, October 17,
1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives); Boyle, diary, August 15, 1847.
45. J.D. Stevenson to R.B. Mason, Los Angeles, November 2,
1847 (10 Military Department Letters; NA).
46. Ibid., D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego,
August 8, 1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
47. D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego September 8,
1847; J.D. Stevenson to D.C. Davis, Los Angeles, September 17, 1847 (Official
Documents: LDS Church Archives).
48. J.D. Stevenson to D.C. Davis, Los Angeles, October 26,
1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
49. D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego, November 1,
1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
50. D.C. Davis to R. Barrus, San Diego, August 19, 1847
(Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
51. Boyle, Diary, March 7, 1847.
52. Ibid., September 6, 1847, November 5, 1847.
Frost died September 6 and Donald on November 5, 1847. D.C. Davis to J.D.
Stevenson, San Diego, September 20, 1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church
Archives).
53. D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego, September 28,
1847; J.D. Stevenson to D.C. Davis, Los Angeles, September 30, 1847; D.C.
Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego, October 5, 1847; D.C. Davis to R.
Barrus, San Diego, October 5, 1847; J.D. Stevenson to D.C. Davis, Los Angeles,
October 10, 1847; D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego, October 17, 1847;
D.C. Davis to Captain Hall, San Diego Beach, October 18, 1847 (Official
Documents: LDS Church Archives).
54. D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego, September 14,
1847; D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego, September 17, 1847 (Official
Documents: LDS Church Archives).
55. D.C. Davis to R. Barrus, San Diego, September 17, 1847;
D.C. Davis to Jesse D. Hunter, San Diego, September 18, 1847 (Official
Documents: LDS Church Archives).
56. J.D. Hunter to D.C. Davis, San Luis Rey, September 19.
1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
57. R. Barrus to D.C. Davis, San Luis Rey, September 18,
1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
58. D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego, September 20,
1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
59. D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego, September 28,
1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
60. R. Barrus to D.C. Davis, San Luis Rey, October 31,
1847; D.C. Davis to R. Barrus, November 3, 1847; D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson,
San Diego, December 12, 1847; H.W. Heathcoate to D.C. Davis, Los Angeles,
December 16, 1847; D.C. Davis to R. Barrus, San Diego, December 26, 1847
(Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
61. J.D. Stevenson to R.B. Mason, Los Angeles, December 1,
1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
62. W.T. Sherman to D.C. Davis, Monterey, December 29, 1847
(Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
63. D.C. Davis to W.T. Sherman, San Diego, February 7, 1848
(Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
64. W.T. Sherman to [J.C.] Bonnycastle, Los Angeles,
November 27, 1847 (Mormon Battalion papers: NA); D.C. Davis to J.C.
Bonnycastle, San Diego, November 30, 1847 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
65. D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego Janurary 10,
1848 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives).
66. D.C. Davis to A.J. Smith, San Diego, December 12, 1847;
J.D. Stevenson to D.C. Davis, Los Angeles, January 21, 1848; D.C. Davis, to
J.D. Stevenson, San Diego, January 24, 1848 (Official Documents: LDS Church
Archives). Stevenson proved true to his word for the National Archives
contains many of the land bounty claims.
67. An Epistle of the Presidency & High Council of this
Stake of Zion to the Saints in California, Great Salt Lake City, November 16,
1847 (Mormon Battalion Papers: LDS Church Archives).
68. D.C. Davis to J.D. Stevenson, San Diego January 23,
1848 (Official Documents: LDS Church Archives); LeRoy Hafen and Ann W. Hafen,
Journals of Forty-niners Salt Lake to Los Angeles With diaries and
contemporary records of Sheldon Young, James S. Brown, Jacob Y.
Stover, Charles C. Rich, Addison Pratt, Howard Egan, Henry W. Bigler, and
others Vol 2 of The Far West & the Rockies Historical Series 1820-1875
(Glendale, California: The Arthur H. Clark Co., 1954), 59-130; Pauline
Udall Smith, Captain Jefferson Hunt of the Mormon Battalion (Salt Lake
City: The Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., Foundation, 1958), 131-40.
69. J.D. Stevenson to D.C. Davis, Los Angeles, January 21,
1848; J.D. Stevenson to D.C. Davis, Los Angeles, February 28, 1848; J.W.
Davidson to D.C. Davis, Los Angeles, February 29, 1848 (Official Documents:
LDS Church Archives).
70. J.D. Hunter to Brigham Young, San Luis Rey, February
20, 1848 (Brigham Young Papers: LDS Church Archives). Brigham Young
established a Mormon colony at San Bernardino, California in 1851. One reason
Hunter preferred to remain in California was that his wife, who had
accompanied the Mormon Battalion, died and was buried in California.
71. J.D. Stevenson to R.B. Mason, Los Angeles, January 12,
1848 (10 Military Department Letters; NA).
72. J.D. Stevenson to Brigham Young. Los Angeles, Februrary
8, 1848 (Brigham Young Papers: LDS Church Archives).
73. Gustive O. Larson, The "Americanization" of Utah for
Statehood (San Marino, California: The Huntington Library).
74. Boyle, Diary, March 14, 21, 31, April 12, June 5, 1848.
