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The Journal of San Diego History
SAN DIEGO HISTORICAL SOCIETY QUARTERLY
Spring 1972, Volume 18, Number 2
James E Moss, Editor

By W. MICHAEL MATHES

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The bay we know today as San Diego was first sighted by Europeans on the expedition of Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo. Sailing from Navidad on the coast of Jalisco, June 27, 1542, Rodríguez Cabrillo had been commissioned by Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza to explore the Pacific coast of California as far north as the legendary Strait of Anián, a passage to the Atlantic Ocean. The expedition reached Cabo San Lucas on July 2 and Isla de Cedros on August 5. Proceeding northward along the coast, Rodríguez Cabrillo took formal possession at Ensenada de Todos Santos on September 17, and reached the present-day San Diego Bay on Thursday, September 28, the eve of the feast of Saint Michael Archangel.

Naming the bay San Miguel, Rodríguez Cabrillo and his men went ashore and presented gifts to the Indians, later to be known as Diegueños. The latter, by means of signs, informed the Spaniards of the presence of men with similar features, dress and equipment in the interior, the expeditionaries of Melchor Diaz and Hernando de Alarcón in the Colorado River basin. Although the Indians were initially cordial, that evening while the Spaniards fished from small boats in the bay, three of them were wounded by Indian arrows. The following day, Friday, was spent exploring the bay in a boat, and on Saturday the Spaniards, known to the Indians as Guacamal, received further reports of Europeans to the interior. While at anchor in the bay, a storm passed over, but, due to the fine protection offered by the bay, its effects were not felt. Sunday and Monday were also spent in exploration, and on Tuesday, October 3, Rodríguez Cabrillo set sail for the north.

Northward bound, while ashore at San Miguel Island, Rodríguez Cabrillo fractured his arm, but despite the danger of infection he continued his voyage to Cape Mendocino. There, he was forced to return southward due to the gangrenous condition of his arm and the increasing cold. Upon reaching San Miguel Island, Rodríguez Cabrillo died, leaving the command of the expedition to his pilot Bartolomé Ferrer. Prior to his death, Rodríguez Cabrillo had charged Ferrer with returning northward, and thus a second exploration was carried out, this time as far north as Oregon. Again cold weather and the illness of the crew forced the Spaniards to retreat, and Ferrer returned to Navidad on April 14.1

While the Rodríguez Cabrillo expedition had discovered San Diego Bay, no further action was taken to exploit the area, and because of poor descriptions and a lack of maps, San Diego was forgotten for over a half century. Even after the establishment of the Manila galleon route from the Philippines to the California coast and Acapulco by Fray Andrés de Urdaneta in 1565, the protective qualities of San Diego Bay were forgotten.

Spain enjoyed absolute security along the galleon routes in the Pacific until 1579 when the English corsair, Francis Drake, entered the area. Drake also overlooked the value of San Diego Bay, however, and during his voyage along the California coast, he chose Drake’s Bay in the lee of Point Reyes as the site for repairing his ships and resting his crews. Drake’s presence, nonetheless was cause for alarm to Spain, for the Manila galleons, with their light armament and crews exhausted by the time California was sighted, were easy prey to foreign intruders. Thus, it was necessary for Spain to seek a safe port for the Manila ships on the California coast where they might recover their crews to join in combat with a potential attacker.

The first expedition destined to carry out exploration for a safe port was that of Francisco Gali. Sailing from Manila in July, 1584 with the galleon San Juan Bautista, Gali reached the California coast above Monterey and continued southward to Acapulco reaching that port in January, 1585. Gali, his ship heavily laden with cargo and his crew exhausted, was unable to carry out detailed exploration in shallow waters however, and thus little was accomplished.2

Delay in preparing a second voyage, also under the command of Gali, was further increased by his death in early 1586, and it was not until mid-1587 that an expedition under Pedro de Unamuno was outfitted in Manila. Sailing in July, 1587, Unamuno explored the Central Pacific until September, and did not reach the California coast until October 17. Landing at Santa Cruz, Unamuno explored inland, but Indian hostilities forced him to retreat, and he set sail for the south on October 21. The weather being overcast and foggy, Unamuno was fearful of going aground in his heavily laden galleon and further exploration was suspended; therefore, the expedition proceeded southward to reach Acapulco on November 22.3

As Unamuno returned to Acapulco in the fog, he was passed by the second English intruder in the Pacific, Thomas Cavendish, who was en route to Cabo San Lucas to lie in wait for the Manila galleon Santa Ana. On November 14, the Santa Ana was engaged by Cavendish and he succeeded in taking a valuable cargo of silks, brocades, perfumes and pearls, as well as over 600,000 pesos in gold; what was to be the greatest single loss in two centuries of Spanish trans-Pacific navigation. After looting the ship, Cavendish put the crew and passengers ashore, set fire to the Santa Ana, and sailed for the Philippines. The survivors, under the leadership of Captain Tomás de Alzola and Pilot Sebastián Rodríguez Cermeño, succeeded in salvaging the keel and reaching Santiago in Colima on January 2, 1588, to report the great disaster.4

The loss of the Santa Ana demonstrated the paucity of Spanish security in the Pacific and resulted in more urgent planning for an expedition to secure a port of refuge for the Manila galleon on the California coast. Before such an expedition could be carried out, however, it was necessary to wait sufficient time to allow any foreign corsairs to leave the area to permit the safe passage of the exploring vessel, and it was not until January 17, 1593 that a Royal Order was issued favoring a new enterprise. Again, the voyage was to originate in Manila and was to employ a cargo laden galleon. The command was granted to Sebastián Rodríguez Cermeño, a Portuguese, who had been pilot aboard the ill fated Santa Ana.

Preparations for the voyage were extensive, and it was not until July 5, 1595 that Cermeño set sail from Manila aboard the San Agustin with a Philippine longboat (viroco), for shallow water exploration, lashed to the deck. Without great hardship, Cermeño reached the California coast near Trinidad Bay in early November and proceeded southward. On November 6, a storm arose, and Cermeño was forced to seek shelter under the lee of Point Reyes where he anchored in a bay which he named San Francisco (Drake’s Bay). After several weeks of exploration in the area of Point Reyes, on November 30 a high wind battered the San Agustin against the shore, disabling the ship beyond repair and ending any hopes for further exploration. Forced to rely upon the longboat for the lengthy trip to New Spain, Cermeño and the survivors left Drake’s Bay on December 8, coasting southward. Due to the shortage of food and water, Cermeño sailed day and night, receiving food from Indians near Monterey and Santa Monica bays and not halting until he reached Isla de San Martin on December 16. Resting and taking on water at the island, Cermeño continued his voyage on December 22, and without halting, reached the Nayarit coast on January 7, 1596.5

The loss of the San Agustin and the failure to effect exploration resulted in new evaluations of the methods employed in such an enterprise. Clearly, the crews were exhausted after the long voyage from Manila, and the heavily laden galleons were not appropriate for close in coastal navigation. Thus, on September 27, 1599, a Royal Order was issued providing for a new expedition to originate in Acapulco, to employ light draft vessels and to prepare original charts of the California coast without reference to those of earlier voyages.

Appointed as leader of this new enterprise by the Viceroy, Conde de Monterrey, was Sebastián Vizcaíno, a man of considerable experience in the Pacific. Born in 1548 in Extremadura, Vizcaíno had served in the Portuguese campaigns of 1580 and had come to New Spain in 1583. Three years later he had gone to Manila where he established himself as a merchant and served in the port guard until his return to New Spain in 1589. Although successful as an investor, Vizcaíno was drawn to adventure and, after a successful lawsuit in 1592-1593, he obtained a license to carry out pearl fishing in the Gulf of California. Despite problems of mutiny and bad weather, Vizcaíno spent the months of June through November, 1596 in exploring the gulf and establishing a short-lived settlement at La Paz, and was, therefore, no stranger to California.6

Two years in preparation at Acapulco, the Vizcaíno expedition was composed of three ships, the San Diego, Santo Tomás and Tres Reyes. The chief pilot was Francisco de Bolaños, who had accompanied Cermeño, and Gerónimo Martín Palacios was appointed as chief cosmographer. To handle ecclesiastical matters, three Discalced Carmelites, Frailes Andrés de la Asumpción, Antonio de la Ascención and Tomás de Aquino were to accompany the expedition. On March 18, 1602, the departure date drawing near, Vizcaíno received extensive instructions from the Conde de Monterrey providing for the detailed charting of all bays, coves and points of land; the preparation of precise sailing instructions with annotations as to wood, water, ballast stone, wind direction, depths and solar readings; and the granting of place names to all locations not accurately designated in earlier charts.7

On May 5, 1602, the expedition sailed from Acapulco and proceeded northward along the coast, taking on supplies at Navidad and Mazatlán. On June 8, Vizcaíno crossed the Gulf of California and on June 11 anchored in the lee of Cabo San Lucas at a bay which he named San Bernabé. Because of contrary winds and currents, the expedition halted until July 5, when Vizcaíno again proceeded northward, carefully charting the coast and naming its bays and landmarks, arriving at Isla de Cedros on September 7. There the expedition rendezvoused, took on wood and water, and met in council to plan the second phase of the voyage.8

Setting sail on September 9, Vizcaíno continued the charting and naming of the area to the north of Isla de Cedros and on November 5 passed a large bay which he gave the name of Ensenada de Todos Santos. On the morning of Sunday, November 10, Vizcaíno sighted a large bay, “which ought to be the finest in the entire South Sea since, apart from being secure from all winds and of good depth, it is in 33½° north latitude, it has very fine and abundant water, firewood and all varieties of fish . . . and in the surrounding country there is much game including rabbits, hares, deer, very large quail, ducks, sparrows and other birds.” The expedition anchored there, and the following day a council was called. Bolaños was ordered to sound the bay, while wood and water supplies were replenished.9

Because of the abundance of water and game, Vizcaíno determined to remain at anchor for several days; on December 12, the day of San Diego de Alcalá, he went ashore with the entire crew of the flagship San Diego. A shelter was constructed on shore, and after Mass was said, the feast of Saint James was celebrated by the naming of the bay in his honor. After the ceremonies, work was begun but shortly a party of one hundred Indians, shouting and armed with bow and arrow and with feathers in their hair, appeared on a nearby hill. Vizcaíno ordered Ensign Juan Francisco Suriano and Fray y Antonio de la Ascención with four arquebusiers to go forward, appease them, and bring them back. The Ensign and soldiers returned shortly, and Vizcaíno, with his son Juan, and Captain Esteban Peguero went forward to meet the Indians, who then proceeded down from the hill. The Indian women cried as they neared Vizcaíno; and, embracing them, he assured the others that the expedition had come in peace. The remaining Indians joined Vizcaíno, and he ordered a boat put out to catch fish with which to regale the Indians. After the fish was distributed, the Spaniards returned to the ship and the Indians to their rancheria.

The following two days were spent in exploring the bay. On Friday, November 15, Vizcaíno, his son, Bolaños, Fray Antonio and fifteen arquebusiers put out a boat to explore and sound the interior of the bay. By afternoon the party had rowed and followed the tide some eighteen miles, and the bay was found to have a capacity greater than that of El Ferrol (del Caudillo) and Acapulco. Furthermore, there was yet more area for careening which could be carried out by use of the tides to refloat the ships. During the exploration, the party went ashore, and, after walking some nine miles, was met by a group of Indians armed with bow and arrow, but who feared coming forward. Shortly an old Indian woman who appeared to be “over one hundred and fifty years old” came forward crying; and, after Vizcaíno reassured her, the others joined her. The Indians had been gathering food and many carried containers; after Vizcaíno assured them of peace, he ordered the party back to the boat without entering the rancheria.

On Saturday, November 16, the Santo Tomás, under Toribio Gómez de Corbán reached San Diego and rejoined the expedition. The next three days were spent in repairing the Santo Tomás and loading wood and water, with Indians coming daily to give otter pelts to the Spaniards. Finally, On Wednesday, November 20, the expedition weighed anchor and sailed out to sea past the area described by Fray Antonio as the “loma” where, a mile and one half further on was a point of ballast stone.10

Proceeding northward, Vizcaíno charted and named the coastal bays, landmarks, and the Santa Barbara Channel Islands, arriving at a bay which he named in honor of the Viceroy, Conde de Monterrey, on December 13. There the expedition again rested, and Vizcaíno ordered the Santo Tomás to return to Acapulco with those crew members so ill from scurvy that they could not continue, as well as with reports and dispatches relative to discoveries made up to that point. On December 29, the Santo Tomás set sail for the south. On January 4, 1603, Vizcaíno proceeded northward with the San Diego and Tres Reyes to continue exploration. As the expedition reached the area of Point Reyes, the weather worsened and seas became heavy, separating the two ships. Vizcaíno was forced northward to Cape Mendocino; and with his crew so ill from scurvy they could not continue, he returned southward after the storm subsided on January 20.

On January 25, when Vizcaíno passed Monterey, his crew was so weakened that he feared anchoring, as there would not be enough able-bodied men to weigh again. Thus, the expedition also by-passed the Channel Islands and San Diego, halting only at Isla de Cedros to take on water, and there the anchor lines were cut to continue the voyage. Cabo San Lucas was passed on February 11, and seven days later, Vizcaíno anchored at the Islas de Mazatlan to rest his crew and cure them of scurvy. The final stage of the eleven month voyage was completed in March, with Vizcaíno’s arrival at Acapulco on March 21.11

Upon anchoring at Acapulco, Vizcaíno received orders to present his reports, charts, logs, and sailing directions to the Conde de Monterrey, and thus opened what was to extend into decades of debate relative to California. Because of its higher latitude and the greater availability of wood and game, Vizcaíno favored Monterey over San Diego as the projected site of settlement in California. Nevertheless, San Diego remained the second choice for settlement and was highly praised by Vizcaíno, Bolaños and Fray Antonio, as well as the Conde de Monterrey in a letter to the King on March 26, 1603.12

Throughout mid-1603, the results of the expedition were analyzed, hearings were held, and the maps prepared by Gerónimo Martin Palacios were redrawn by the leading cartographer and engineer of New Spain, Enrico Martínez. There could be no question as to the success of the expedition, and such was expressed by the Conde de Monterrey. For the first time accurate and complete charting of the California coast had been accomplished, place names had been firmly established, precise sailing directions had been prepared, and sites for a safe port for Manila galleons had been located.

Despite Vizcaíno’s success, little immediate result of the expedition was felt. The succession to the Viceroyalty by the Marqués de Montesclaros in 1604 resulted in a suspension of plans for the settlement of Monterey and the opening of new hearings relative to California. The conclusion of these hearings was the total abandonment of plans for the settlement of California on the grounds that the area was so close in sailing time to Acapulco that it would be of little value to the Manila ships, and an area midway to the galleon track should be established. Such an ideal location, it was suggested, would be the fabled Islas Rica de Oró y Rica de Plata, and thus on September 27, 1608, a Royal Order was issued providing for an expedition to discover the islands, to be led by Vizcaíno, and for the shelving of all plans for the development of California.13

Although California was virtually abandoned and Vizcaíno’s efforts to develop the area were curtailed by his other duties as Alcalde Mayor of Tehuantepec, Ambassador to Japan and military commander in Jalisco, he continued to urge its settlement as did his more vocal fellow expeditionary, Fray Antonio de la Ascención. Attempts were made to settle California through the attraction of pearl fishing in the gulf, but when this failed, Fray Antonio began a ten year series of memorials relative to the great value of California. The first of these, dated October 12, 1620,14 placed San Diego among the most desirable sites for settlement. Fray Antonio’s zeal for California is reflected in his description of the bay as “. . . very fine, appropriate and with fine conditions under which Spaniards could be settled . . . there are many pleasant and friendly Indians . . . there is a large number of golden flowers which is a manifest sign, that, in the surrounding hills of this port, there are gold mines, because in time of rain all of the streams deposit the mineral in the sand on the beach. We found some large adobe-like lumps . . . which had neither a foul nor pleasant odor, indicative that this is ambergris and, if such is the case, there is abundant wealth in ambergris here. There are many varieties of fish which are fine and flavorful . . . there is much large and upland game. The Indians . . . use . . . some very heavy blue stones . . . which appear to be rich in silver and in sign language they told us that inland, men of the same size and mannerisms as Spaniards . . . take out a large quantity of silver . . . To determine if they recognized silver, the General Vizcaíno showed them a medallion and a plate of silver . . . and they said in sign language that it was good, and that it was what the people of whom they told us had and held in high esteem . . . These could be Dutch or English who sail through the Strait of Anian and they could be settled on the coast of the Gulf of California . . . it would be well for Your Majesty to investigate this matter . . .”

Fray Antonio used every avenue possible to promote California. He supplied the description of the Vizcaíno expedition to Fray Juan de Torquemada for his Monarquia Indiana of 1625 and to Fray Gerónimo de Zárate Salmerón for his Relaciones de Todas las cocas que en el Nuevo México se han visto . . . of the following year.15 On August 2, 1628, a Royal Order was issued providing for hearings relative to the importance of California, and Fray Antonio was specifically named to give testimony.16 With typical zeal, the settlement of California was urged in his deposition of May 20, 1629,17 but in a second deposition of June 818 of that year, Fray Antonio reiterated the arguments and fantasies of his memorial of 1620. As if to be assured of the final word in matters relative to California, on March 22, 163219 at the close of the hearings, Fray Antonio submitted a third deposition of like tenor to the proceeding two.

Despite the interest of such men as Fray Antonio, many decades would pass before a permanent settlement in California would be established. It was not until October, 1697, with the founding of Nuestra Señora de Loreto by Father Juan María Salvatierra, that California again enjoyed the importance of earlier years. For seventy years the Society of Jesus labored in the mission field of the peninsula, advancing to within three hundred miles of San Diego. Upon the expulsion of the Society in 1767, new plans were formulated for expansion northward by the Franciscans; and, employing the sailing directions of Vizcaíno’s Chief Pilot, Francisco de Bolaños, as recorded by Joseph González Cabrera Bueno in his Navegación Especulativa, y Práctica . . . (Manila: 1734),20 San Diego was rediscovered by Vicente Vila and Miguel Costansó on April 11, 1769.

FOOTNOTES

l. Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla. (Hereinafter AGI) Patronato 20. Relation del viaje de Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo: 1542. See also: Henry R. Wagner. Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America in the Sixteenth Century (San Francisco: California Historical Society, 1929), 72-93.

2. Museo Naval, Madrid. Coleccion Martin Fernandez de Navarrete [Hereinafter MN, N.], XIX. Dos capitulos de dos cartas sobre el viaje de Francisco Gali escritas al Rey por el Virrey de Nueva Espana: 22 de Enero y 8 de Mayo 1585. See also: W. Michael Mathes, ed. Documentos para la Historia de la Demarcacion Comercial de California: 1583-1632 (Madrid: Ediciones Jose Porrua Turanzas, 1965), documento 2; Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Espana (Madrid: Viuda de Calero, 1842-1895), XV, 41-43; Charles E. Chapman, “Gall and Rodriguez Cermenho: Exploration of California,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXIII (January, 1920), 205-206; Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (Glasgow: James MacLehose and sons, 1904), IX, 326-337; Wagner, Spanish Voyages, 137-138; and W. Michael Mathes, Vizcaino and Spanish Expansion in the Pacific Ocean: 1580-1630 (San Francisco: California Historical Society, 1968), 13-14.

3. AGI, Patronato 25. MN, N. XVIII. MN, Manuscritos 199. Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid. Coleccion Juan Bautista Munoz [Hereinafter RAH, M], 38. Relacion del viaje de Pedro de Unamuno: 22 de Noviembre 1587. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documento 6; Wagner, Spanish Voyages, 139-151; Henry R. Wagner, ed. “The Voyage of Pedro de Unamuno to California in 1587,” California Historical Society Quarterly, II (July, 1923), 145-160; Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robinson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 (Cleveland: A. H. Clark, 1903-1909), 297-310; and Mathes, Vizcaino, 14-18.

4. AGI, P. 265. MN, N. XXVI. Declaration de Antonio de Sierra sobre la perdida del navio Santa Ana: 24 de Enero 1588 and Declaration de Tomas de Alzola, maestre del navio Santa Ana: 24 de Enero 1588. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documentos 10 and 11; W. Michael Mathes, ed. The Capture of the Santa Ana, Cabo San Lucas, November 1587 (Los Angeles: Dawson’s Book Shop, 1969), passim; Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes (Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1905), II, 149-185; and Mathes, Vixcaino, 15-23.

5. AGI, Mexico 22. Capitulo de una carta sobre Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno escrita por D. Luis de Velasco al Rey: 6 de Abril 1594; AGI, Mexico 221. Informaciones dadas sobre Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno: 1593: AGI, Mexico 23. Autos hechos por Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno; 30 de Noviembre a 9 de Diciembre 1595, and Autos hechos por Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno: 4 de Noviembre 1595 a 7 de Enero 1596. AGI, Mexico 26. MN, Manuscritos 1509. Relation de Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno: 24 de Abril 1596. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documentos 16, 17, 20, 21, 23, 26; Wagner, Spanish Voyages, 156-167; and Mathes, Vizcaino, 44-50.

6. AGI, Mexico 1064-4. Real Cedula para la continuation de los descubrimientos en California: 27 de Septiembre 1599. AGI, Patronato 30 and Guadalajara 133. Autos hechos sobre los meritos y servicios de Sebastian Vizcaino: 3 de Julio a 30 de Noviembre 1603. AGI, Patronato 30. Autos hechos por Sebastian Vizcaino y su compania sobre la pesqueria de perlas: 1593-1596. AGI, Patronato 20. Relacion de Sebastian Vizcaino: 8 de Diciembre 1596. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documentos 27, 29, 39, 58; Wagner, Spanish Voyages, 171-173; and Mathes, Vizcaino, 24-40.

7. AGI, Guadalajara 133. Instruccion dada a Sebastian Vizcaino: 18 de Marzo 1602. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documento 44; and Mathes, Vizcaino, 54-59.

8. Mathes, Vizcaino, 59-84.

9. AGI, Mexico 372. MN, N. XIX. Manuscrito 191 and 332. RAH, M. 23. Derrotero desde Acapulco al Cabo Mendocino por Geronimo Martin Palacios con los disenos de la costa hechos por Enrico Martinez,: 8 y 19 de Noviembre 1603. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documento 57; and Mathes, Vizcaino, 103, n. 50.

10. Ibid. AGI, Mexico 372, Mn, N. XIX, MN, Manuscritos 191 and 332. RAH, M. 23. Actas hechas en las juntas celebradas por los capitanes durante el viaje de Sebastian Vizcaino: 20 de Mayo a 13 de Febrero 1603. Biblioteca National, Madrid. Wereinafter BN, M.] manuscrito 3203. MN, N 1. RAH, M 23. Derrotero desde el Cabo Mendocino al puerto de Acapulco hecho por P. Fray Antonio de la Ascencion: 1603. AGI, Patronato 30. AGI, Guadalajara 133. MN, N. XIX. Relacion de Fray Antonio de la Ascencion: 1629. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documentos 50, 52, 183; Wagner, Spanish Voyages, 180-273; and Mathes, Vizcaino, 89-92.

11. Mathes, Vizcaino, 92-103.

12. AGI, Mexico 23. Capitulo de una carts escrita al Rey por el Conde de Monterrey sobre Sebastian Vizcaino: 26 de Matzo 1603. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documento 53; and Vizcaino, 104.

13. AGI, M. 1065-6. MN, Manuscrito 477. Real Cedula en favor de Sebastian Vizcaino: 27 de Septiembre 1608. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documento 83; and Vizcaino, 108-114.

14. BN, M. Manuscrito 3042. Mn, N. XIX. Primera relation de Fray Antonio de la Ascencion: 12 de Octubre 1620. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documento 177; and Vizcaino, 160-162.

15. Juan de Torquemada. Monarquia Indiana (Mexico: Porrua Hermanos, 1970), I, 694-725 and II, 337; Documentos para servir a la Historia del Nuevo Mexico, 1538-1778 (Madrid: Jose Porrua Turanzas, 1962), 197-198; and Mathes, Vizcaino, 162-165.

16. AGI, Patronato 30. AGI, Guadalajara 133, MN, N. XIX. Real Cedula mandando que se haga la Audiencia de Mexico pareceres sobre las entradas a California: 2 de Agosto 1628. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documento 179; and Vizcaino, 163.

17. AGI, Patronato 30. AGI, Guadalajara 133. MN, N. XIX. Primer parecer de Fray Antonio de la Ascencion: 20 de Mayo 1620. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documento 180.

18. AGI, Patronato 30. AGI, Guadalajara 133. Mn, N. XIX. Segundo parecer de Fray Antonio de las Ascencion: 8 de Junio 1629. See also, Mathes, Documentos, documento 182.

19. AGI, Patronato 30. AGI, Guadalajara 133. MN, N, XIX. Parecer de Fray Antonio de la Ascencion: 22 de Marzo 1632. See also: Mathes, Documentos, documento 188.

20. W. Michael Mathes, ed. Navegacion Especulativa, y Practica por Jose Gonzalez Cabrera Bueno (Madrid: Ediciones Jose Porrua Turanzas, 1970), XII-XV, 334-345.


W. Michael Mathes, Asociate Professor of History, University of San Francisco, specializes in the field of Colonial Mexico and Spanish California history. He is the author of articles in the field including a documentary series (8 projected volumes, 4 volumes published) on Spanish California, Vizcaino and Spanish Expansion in the Pacific Ocean, 1580-1630, and volumes in Baja California Travels Series. Dr. Mathes is an editorial consultant for the Journal.